April 15, 1947 – Jackie Robinson Breaks the Color Line

On this day in history, Jackie Robsinon donned his Brooklyn Dodgers uniform (number 42) for the first time. His major league debut brought an end to approximately sixty years of segregation in professional baseball, known as the baseball color line.

Jackie Robinson and Branch Rickey, 1950

Jackie Robinson and Branch Rickey, 1950

In 1956, Dodgers General Manager Branch Rickey recalled that summer, and what went into his decision to choose Robinson to cross the color line. He mentioned all the barriers, and how important it had been to pick someone who could withstand both the scrutiny and the fierce opposition:

I couldn’t come with a man to break down a tradition that had in it centered and concentrated all the prejudices of a great many people north and south unless he was good. He must justify himself upon the positive principle of merit. He must be a great player. I must not risk an excuse of trying to do something in the sociological field, or in the race field, just because of sort of a “holier than thou.” I must be sure that the man was good on the field, but more dangerous to me, at that time, and even now, is the wrong man off the field. It didn’t matter to me so much in choosing a man off the field that he was temperamental, — righteously subject to resentments. I wanted a man of exceptional intelligence, a man who was able to grasp and control the responsibilities of himself to his race and could carry that load. That was the greatest danger point of all.”

Rickey lucked out with Jackie Robinson. He not only racked up records for his baseball prowess, such as the examples shown in this list.

• Named National League Rookie of the Year in 1947.
• Led the National League in stolen bases in 1947 and 1949.
• Led second basemen in double plays 1949, 1950, 1951 and 1952.
• Selected as the National League MVP in 1949
• Won the 1949 batting title with a .342.
• National League All-Star Team, 1949-1954.
• Had a career batting average of .311 with the Dodgers, .333 in All-Star games Led the Dodgers to six World Series and one World Series Championship in a 10-year span.

Jackie Robinson steals home during a game against the New York Giants in 1950

Jackie Robinson steals home during a game against the New York Giants in 1950

More importantly, he had the character to withstand the slings and arrows that constantly assailed him, and to rise above them. He quickly won the respect and enthusiasm of the fans, and gave hope to millions of people of color that the lines of segregation might not be so rigid after all.

April 14, 2014 – U.N. Protocol on the Rights of Children Goes Into Effect

On this day, a legal instrument granting children access to international human rights protections takes effect. The Protocol, adopted in December 2011 and opened for signature in 2012, specified it would be entered into force three months after the deposit of the tenth instrument of ratification or accession. On January 13, 2014, Costa Rica became the 10th nation to ratify the Protocol, thereby giving it legal effect. (The U.S. has not ratified this Protocol. Nor, for that matter, is it a signatory to the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child.)

This new Protocol permits children or their representatives to submit formal complaints to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRD), upon which the CRD must review the allegations and decide whether to take action. According to the UN, the Protocol effectively places children on equal legal footing with adults with respect to several international treaties.

You can read the full text here.

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April 13, 1743 – Birthdate (Sort Of) Of Thomas Jefferson and Review of “Thomas Jefferson: Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Everything” by Maira Kalman

Thomas Jefferson, one of the Founding Fathers of America, was born on April 2 according to the old style (Julian) calendar, which was changed in 1752 in the U.S. to the Gregorian calendar, still in use today. The new calendar pushed all dates forward by eleven days, so that Jefferson’s birthdate became April 13. Those born during this period often celebrated their birthdays on both days, if they celebrated at all. (According to scholars at Monticello, Jefferson always insisted the only birthday he observed was July 4, the birthday of his country.)

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Maira Kalman creates gorgeous books, and fortunately, she is an excellent storyteller as well. Her book for children on the life of Lincoln was absolutely wonderful (see my review here) but I was worried about this one: what would she say about Jefferson and his unwillingness to give up his slaves?

Kalman does not make Jefferson’s weaknesses central to the book, but she doesn’t ignore them either. She writes:

‘The man who said of slavery ‘This ABOMINATION MUST END’ was the ownere of about 150 slaves. The MONUMENTAL MAN had MONUMENTAL FLAWS.”

Including a reproduction of the list of Jefferson’s slaves in his farm books, she notes:

OUR hearts are BROKEN.”

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Most of all, however, Kalman focuses on Jefferson’s eclectic range of interests, his love of books – “on history, science, philosophy, government, mathematics, music, art and so much more”), his work on his estate which he called Monticello, and his accomplishments in government.

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She explains about his belief in the separation of church and state, and about his purchase from Napoleon of a large part of the land that became the United States.

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She ends with the advice:

If you want to understand this country and its people and what it means to be optimistic and complex and tragic and wrong and courageous, you need to go to Monticello.”

What an amazingly concise and astute way to summarize not just the character of Jefferson, but of the other Founding Fathers as well.

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The Matisse-like whimsical paintings in the book are bursting with vibrant colors, and the typeface varies in size, style, and color, depending on the text.

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In the back, a brief annotated note section adds more details about the people and events described in the book.

Evaluation: This is an outstanding resource about Jefferson for readers of all ages. The text is funny and informative, with lots of kid appeal. The illustrations are stunning.

Rating: 5/5

Published by Nancy Paulsen Books, an imprint of Penguin Group (USA) Inc., 2014.

April 12, 1864 – Massacre at Fort Pillow

On this day in history, the troops of Confederate Major General Nathan Bedford Forrest butchered the black Union troops garrisoned at Fort Pillow in Tennessee. The garrison surrendered, but some four hundred soldiers were shot anyway. Two wounded black soldiers were buried alive but managed to dig themselves out. Many bodies were mutilated.

The war in Tennessee : Confederate massacre of Federal troops after the surrender at Fort Pillow, April 12th, 1864.

The war in Tennessee : Confederate massacre of Federal troops after the surrender at Fort Pillow, April 12th, 1864.

Richard Fuchs, author of An Unerring Fire (2002, p. 14), concluded:

The affair at Fort Pillow was simply an orgy of death, a mass lynching to satisfy the basest of conduct – intentional murder – for the vilest of reasons – racism and personal enmity.”

On April 17, 1864, Grant ordered General Benjamin F. Butler, who was negotiating prisoner exchanges with the Confederacy, to demand that in the exchange and treatment of prisoners, black prisoners had to be treated identically to whites. A failure to do so would “be regarded as a refusal on their part to agree to the further exchange of prisoners, and [would] be so treated by us.”

General Grant

General Grant

This demand was refused and Confederate Secretary of War Seddon in June 1864 stated the confederate position:

I doubt, however, whether the exchange of negroes at all for our soldiers would be tolerated. As to the white officers serving with negro troops, we ought never to be inconvenienced with such prisoners.”

On August 10, the Confederates agreed to a “man-for-man exchange” but not of black soldiers. General Robert E. Lee restated this position to General Grant in October, writing “…negroes belonging to our citizens are not considered subjects of exchange.”

Meanwhile, Forrest did not pay the consequences for the actions of troops under his command. After the War, he was a pledged delegate from Tennessee to the New York Democratic national convention in 1868, and most notably, served as the first Grand Dragon of the Ku Klux Klan.

Nathan Bedford Forrest

Nathan Bedford Forrest

April 10, 1865: President Lincoln Asks the Band to Play “Dixie”

General Robert E. Lee surrendered to General Ulysses S. Grant on April 9, 1865. The next day, despite rain and mud there were some 3,000 people in the streets celebrating. Crowds serenaded President Lincoln throughout the day. “At length,” wrote a reporter for the Washington paper Daily National Intelligencer, “after persistent effort, the presence of Mr. Lincoln was secured. Three loud and hearty cheers were given, after which the President said:

‘FELLOW CITIZENS: I am very greatly rejoiced to find that an occasion has occurred so pleasurable that the people cannot restrain themselves. [Cheers.] I suppose that arrangements are being made for some sort of a formal demonstration, this, or perhaps, to-morrow night. [Cries of `We can't wait,' `We want it now,' &c.] If there should be such a demonstration, I, of course, will be called upon to respond, and I shall have nothing to say if you dribble it all out of me before. [Laughter and applause.] I see you have a band of music with you. [Vocies, `We have two or three.'] I propose closing up this interview by the band performing a particular tune which I will name. Before this is done, however, I wish to mention one or two little circumstances connected with it. I have always thought `Dixie’ one of the best tunes I have ever heard. Our adversaries over the way attempted to appropriate it, but I insisted yesterday that we fairly captured it. [Applause.] I presented the question to the Attorney General, and he gave it as his legal opinion that it is our lawful prize. [Laughter and applause.] I now request the band to favor me with its performance.’

In accordance with the request, the band struck up `Dixie,’ and at its conclusion played `Yankee Doodle,’ the President remaining at the window mean-while. The President then said: `Now give three good hearty cheers for General Grant and all under his command.’ These were given with a will, after which Mr. Lincoln requested `three more cheers for our gallant Navy,’ which request was also readily granted. The President then disappeared from the window, amid the cheers of those below. The crowd then moved back to the War Department, and loud calls were again made for Secretary Stanton.”

Lincoln in February, 1865

Lincoln in February, 1865

Less than a week later, Lincoln was dead.

April 7, 2003 – The Supreme Court Decides Virginia v. Black

In the 2003 case Virginia v. Black (538 U.S. 343), three defendants were convicted in two separate cases of violating a Virginia statute against cross burning. In an opinion authored by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, the Court struck down Va. Code Ann. §18.2—423 (1996) to the extent that it considered cross burning as prima facie evidence of intent to intimidate:

We conclude that while a State, consistent with the First Amendment, may ban cross burning carried out with the intent to intimidate, the provision in the Virginia statute treating any cross burning as prima facie evidence of intent to intimidate renders the statute unconstitutional in its current form.”

In the opinion, Justice O’Connor recounted the history of the Ku Klux Klan and the display of a burning cross “used to communicate both threats of violence and messages of shared ideology.” She cited the Klan constitution which claims that the “fiery cross” is the “emblem of that sincere, unselfish devotedness of all klansmen to the sacred purpose and principles we have espoused.” She also adduced instances in which the burning cross was used by the Klan as “a sign of celebration and ceremony” such as at a marriage of two Klan members. Nevertheless, she acknowledged:

…while a burning cross does not inevitably convey a message of intimidation, often the cross burner intends that the recipients of the message fear for their lives. And when a cross burning is used to intimidate, few if any messages are more powerful.”

Justice Sandra Day O'Connor

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor

Nevertheless, she was unwilling to compromise the First Amendment, applicable to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment, providing that “Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech.” Citing previous rulings of the Court, she observed: “The hallmark of the protection of free speech is to allow “free trade in ideas”–even ideas that the overwhelming majority of people might find distasteful or discomforting.”

She admitted that “Virginia’s statute does not run afoul of the First Amendment insofar as it bans cross burning with intent to intimidate.” But the Court agreed with the Supreme Court of Virginia in its finding that the Virginia statute was “overbroad” in inferring intent from the burning of a cross by itself:

As the history of cross burning indicates, a burning cross is not always intended to intimidate. Rather, sometimes the cross burning is a statement of ideology, a symbol of group solidarity. It is a ritual used at Klan gatherings, and it is used to represent the Klan itself. Thus, “[b]urning a cross at a political rally would almost certainly be protected expression.” R. A. V. v. St. Paul, 505 U.S., at 402, n. 4 (White, J., concurring in judgment) (citing Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S., at 445). Cf. National Socialist Party of America v. Skokie, 432 U.S. 43 (1977) (per curiam). Indeed, occasionally a person who burns a cross does not intend to express either a statement of ideology or intimidation. Cross burnings have appeared in movies such as Mississippi Burning, and in plays such as the stage adaptation of Sir Walter Scott’s The Lady of the Lake.”

Justice O’Connor did not address what would constitute sufficient proof of “intent to intimidate.” It seems she was willing to accept any explanation offered by Klan members, notoriously not given to self-incrimination.

In his dissent, Justice Clarence Thomas basically writes, “Oh, come on!” He argues:

In our culture, cross burning has almost invariably meant lawlessness and understandably instills in its victims well-grounded fear of physical violence.”

Justice Clarence Thomas

Justice Clarence Thomas

In addition he contended that the Virginia statute prohibited only conduct, not expression. However, he clarified:

Even assuming that the statute implicates the First Amendment, in my view, the fact that the statute permits a jury to draw an inference of intent to intimidate from the cross burning itself presents no constitutional problems. Therein lies my primary disagreement with the plurality.”

He went on to note that in other instances of potential harm, the Court had not imposed a scienter requirement. Indeed, he averred, “Considering the horrific effect cross burning has on its victims, it is also reasonable to presume intent to intimidate from the act itself.” He concluded:

…the plurality strikes down the statute because one day an individual might wish to burn a cross, but might do so without an intent to intimidate anyone. That cross burning subjects its targets, and, sometimes, an unintended audience, see 262 Va., at 782; see also J.A. 93—97, to extreme emotional distress, and is virtually never viewed merely as “unwanted communication,” but rather, as a physical threat, is of no concern to the plurality. Henceforth, under the plurality’s view, physical safety will be valued less than the right to be free from unwanted communications.”

In 2002, the Virginia legislature responded by enacting a new statute numbered § 18.2-423.01. The original Section 18.2-423, held unconstitutional, has not been repealed. The new statute, however, does not contain a prima facie evidence provision and applies to “objects,” not mentioning crosses in particular. The statute makes burning an object on the private property of another with the intent to intimidate a crime in itself; whereas, burning an object on a highway or other public place with the intent to intimidate must be “in a manner having a direct tendency to place another person in reasonable fear or apprehension of death or bodily injury.”

Ku Klux Klansmen and women at a cross "lighting" (as opposed to "burning") on November 12th, 2005.

Ku Klux Klansmen and women at a cross “lighting” (as opposed to “burning”) on November 12th, 2005.

April 6, 1965 – U.S. Officially Goes on the Offensive in Vietnam

On this day in history, President Lyndon Johnson’s National Security Adviser, McGeorge Bundy, issued on his behalf “National Security Memorandum 328.” (McGeorge “Mac” Bundy was United States National Security Advisor first to President John F. Kennedy, and stayed on to serve Lyndon B. Johnson in that capacity after Kennedy’s assassination. Today he is known primarily for his role in escalating the involvement of the United States in Vietnam during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.)

McGeorge Bundy,  June 25, 1965

McGeorge Bundy, June 25, 1965

Memo 328 represented a shift in policy from the position that all US military operations in South Vietnam were to be defensive in nature.

The memo, drafted & signed by Bundy, approved the “slowly ascending tempo of ROlLING THUNDER operations” or sustained bombing missions, over North Vietnam. These actions, along with the introduction of combat troops in March, 1965, in turn created a reassessment in the Vietnamese Communist Party of its own war strategy. 

As suggested by an online seminar on the War at Vassar College, the Communist Party in Hanoi endeavored (successfully, as it turned out) to get the United States bogged down in a war that it could not win militarily and create unfavorable conditions for political victory. The Communist Party believed the United States would eventually tire of the war and demand a negotiated settlement.

You can read the full text of this document here.


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